is the federal government subsidizing rape?

The number of reported forcible rapes in the United States has increased dramatically in recent years. This is clear in the following graph from Statistica: 

In 2012, Congress reauthorized the 1994 Violence Against Women Act (VAWA). This Act provided additional funding for rape survivors, rape prevention programs, and more. Despite this additional funding, rape remains a growing concern in the U.S. 

Hundreds of thousands of rape kits remain untested across the country. This rape kit “backlog” denies justice to countless survivors. Rape kits may sit in storage for decades before they are tested. In many cases, the kits are lost altogether. 

So why is this happening? About a month ago, I decided to try and find out. 

Given my experience in the pharmaceutical industry, I am well aware of how lucrative medical devices and equipment can be. So I decided to start my investigation by looking into rape kit manufacturers in the U.S. 

This article will be the first in a series of posts about this issue, because I still have a lot of research to do. Most of the government-funded organizations that I called would not (or could not) answer any of my questions. 

Little did they know that I am on the autism spectrum, which means that I can and will sift through documents so long and data heavy they would give Proust a run for his money. And I will do it with zeal. 

So far, I have researched a few of the companies that manufacture rape kits in the U.S. According to my research, these companies are supported in large part by federal grants. Bode even recommends federal grants to apply for on its client-facing website. 

This article will take a look at some of the information I have found so far about the economics of rape kits, from rape kit manufacturers to federal grant reallocation. Together, we will ask this question: is the U.S. government subsidizing rape in Ameria? 

Tri-Tech Forensics, Inc. 

According to my research, the largest supplier of rape kits in the U.S. is a company called Tri-Tech Forensics. Founded in 1983 in the North Carolina Research Triangle, it is listed as one of four companies in the Point Lookout Capital Partners investment group portfolio. 

As of January 2024, the Department of Defense (DoD) includes Tri-Tech Forensics on its list of “DoD Vendors With Contracts over $25,000.00.” 

The publicly available information I have found indicates that Tri-Tech Forensics has received a total of $81.3 million in federal contracts. In addition to rape kits, Tri-Tech Forensics also manufactures tourniquets, first aid kits, and other medical supplies. 

State and local authorities can purchase sexual assault kits (SAKs) with funds from federal grants. See for example this 2015 “Blanket Purchase Order” between the State of Maryland and Tri-Tech Forensics:

This contract details a purchase order between the Maryland State Police and Tri-Tech. Page 2 contains the following information about pricing (highlights are my own): 

As indicated above, this contract notes that the price of rape kits may change in response to state laws about DNA collection. It also requires the vendor (Tri-Tech) to send written notification of any price changes, as well as pricing and inventory reports every 3 months.

Federal Funding and the Rape Kit Backlog 

Finding the Tri-Tech purchase order was a lightbulb moment for me. I realized that the language in this contract might shed light on the rape kit backlog in America. 

The contract specifically notes that changes to DNA collection laws can affect the price of rape kits. Vendors may need to add tools or procedures to existing kits. In the case of significant changes, vendors may need to produce entirely new kits. 

Replacing obsolete rape kits would be expensive for both the vendor and the purchaser. In the case of the Maryland contract, that means that both Tri-Tech and the state police would lose money. 

To avoid wasting money on new rape kits, it would make sense for law enforcement agencies to use the kits they have as quickly as possible. 

Using rape kits quickly would reduce the chance of these kits becoming obsolete before law enforcement can use them. Ultimately, local police may thus have a financial incentive to collect DNA evidence as soon as possible following a crime of rape. 

These types of financial agreements would almost necessarily lead to a rape kit “backlog.” Local authorities are incentivized to use rape kits quickly. They then order new rape kits to replace this diminished stock, and the cycle continues. 

Could this financial arrangement be contributing to the national backlog of untested rape kits? Let’s look into this now. 

Where Has All the Money Gone? 

Since the 2012 reauthorization of VAWA, the federal government has earmarked tens of millions of dollars for the reduction of sexual assault rates in the U.S. 

One of the biggest beneficiaries of these funds has been the Sexual Assault Kit Initiative (SAKI). This organization has reportedly distributed close to $300 million in funding to end the rape kit backlog. 

Despite access to so much federal funding, the rates of sexual violence have only continued to rise. The Government Accountability Office (GAO) reported that “sexual assaults in the U.S. increased by an estimated 64 percent from 2021 to 2022.” 

When I went to the SAKI website, I was not able to find documentation that could account for this. In fact, none of the contact numbers on the SAKI site were in service when I tried to call.  

Eventually, I found a PDF copy of something called a “reprogramming action.” This contract specifies the transfer of DoD funds from one account to another:

The second of the two crossed out bullet points includes millions of dollars to combat sexual assault in the military. On the next page, the reprogramming action instead allocates funds to “operational testing and evaluation of the effectiveness of mechanical tourniquets.”

A “reprogramming action” is simply a transfer of funds from one account to another. The Department of Defense uses reprogramming actions to change program funding amounts after they have already been approved by Congress. 

The DoD also has the advantage of using Treasury Index 97 (TI-97). Through TI-97, the DoD can transfer funds between accounts without revealing specifics on the account(s) involved. 

How is this related to sexual assault rates in the U.S.? Let’s explore this in the following section.

Reprogramming Funds for the Military

In March of 2022, Congress passed Public Law 117-103. This law discusses “consolidated appropriations” related to “the situation in Ukraine, and for other purposes.” 

Section 8059 of this Act earmarks $47 million for the Sexual Assault Special Victims’ Program. However, this funding allocation is contingent on the provision that “the funds are made available for transfer to the Department of the Army, the Department of the Navy, and the Department of the Air Force.” 

Under TI-97, the DoD does not have to specify specific account information during reprogramming. This makes it virtually impossible to perform accurate audits of DoD funds. 

This was particularly apparent in a 2024 investigation of the DoD Sexual Assault Prevention and Response Effort (SAPRO). Investigators highlighted the ongoing and widespread issue of missing data within the SAPRO program. 

Since 2022, the U.S. has set aside about $113 billion to provide emergency support for the war in Ukraine and related military efforts. Congress has passed extensive legislation allowing for additional funds transfer to support the military effort. 

In 2012, the Violence Against Women Act was also updated. The updated act included information about grant funding to combat sexual assault rates. But it also included provisions about appropriation, or reprogramming of these funds. 

Back to Tri-Tech 

Perhaps it is no coincidence, then, that federal funding of Tri-Tech Forensics began taking off in 2012. Or that the company’s federal funding nearly doubled between 2022 and 2023.

Despite its huge number of government contracts, Tri-Tech is officially listed as a “Small Business” on government forms. This tax code allows Tri-Tech to take advantage of the tax benefits offered to U.S. small businesses. 

In addition to its contracts for “Bode DNA kits,” Tri-Tech also has government contracts for a range of other medical supplies – including, but not limited to, tourniquets. 

Again, I have only just begun my research into this topic. I am a private citizen with no security clearance, so I can only formulate my hypotheses based on publicly available records. 

All told, my preliminary research has left me with more questions than answers. 

First, who is profiting off of rape kit manufacturing in the U.S.? Why is a company like Tri-Tech listed as a small business, when it is clearly a major supplier for the U.S. biomedical/military-industrial complex? 

How much of the funding that Congress allocates to rape-related services actually goes to those services? Why are these funds allocated under the DoD, when that agency is known for its lackluster documentation efforts? 

Closing Thoughts 

In June of 2024, the United States Government Accountability Office (GAO) released a Congressional report on state-level funding for forensic exams following sexual assault. 

This report notes that “sexual assaults in the U.S. increased by an estimated 64 percent from 2021 to 2022.” 

This percentage rate is taken directly from data provided by the federal government. And yet, before I read this report, I had no idea that the rate increased that significantly. 

In January of 2021, Ukrainian president Zelenskiy first appealed to Biden for a NATO endorsement. The U.S. began providing financial support to Ukraine in 2022 and has committed over $100 billion so far. 

I would like to believe that this is a coincidence. Unfortunately, I cannot.

It doesn’t make sense to me that sexual assaults increased by 64% at the same time that Congress was allocating record amounts of federal funding to reduce these rates. Either no one in the Treasury made it past fifth grade math or (perhaps more likely) there is more to the story. 

Based just on my preliminary research, it seems to me that funds for sexual assault services are intentionally allocated within federal agencies who can redistribute those funds with little (or no) oversight. 

I would encourage anyone else who is passionate about this issue to take a look at the links in this article and do some digging of your own. You can email me at carolynhfarnsworth@gmail.com with additional details and sources, if you feel so inclined.